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  <title>DSpace Collection:</title>
  <link rel="alternate" href="http://dspace.cityu.edu.hk:80/handle/2031/5550" />
  <subtitle />
  <id>http://dspace.cityu.edu.hk:80/handle/2031/5550</id>
  <updated>2013-06-01T02:08:01Z</updated>
  <dc:date>2013-06-01T02:08:01Z</dc:date>
  <entry>
    <title>Assess the contradiction and cooperation in Sino-Russian relations under the Putin administration</title>
    <link rel="alternate" href="http://dspace.cityu.edu.hk:80/handle/2031/5555" />
    <author>
      <name>Wang, Yuk Lam</name>
    </author>
    <id>http://dspace.cityu.edu.hk:80/handle/2031/5555</id>
    <updated>2009-11-16T07:04:03Z</updated>
    <published>2008-01-01T00:00:00Z</published>
    <summary type="text">Title: Assess the contradiction and cooperation in Sino-Russian relations under the Putin administration
Authors: Wang, Yuk Lam
Abstract: This thesis aims at analyzing the contradiction and cooperation of the Sino-Russian&#xD;
relations under the Putin administration. By reviewing Boris Yeltsin's foreign policy&#xD;
and the overall foreign framework of Vladimir Putin who shows the continuity of&#xD;
Yeltsin's legacy, that is, developing the tie with China is significant to Russia. Some&#xD;
of the international theories will be implied in order to analyze the challenges the two&#xD;
countries faced and the common interests they shared. Balance of power and&#xD;
multipolarity will be used in political aspects as well as regional and international&#xD;
issues. China Threat theory is to explain the contradictions in economic challenges,&#xD;
military suspicions and territorial disputes. And the factors contributing to the&#xD;
cooperation could be elaborated in intergovermentalism and the complex&#xD;
interdependence theory in economic plus energy cooperation, military plus security&#xD;
cooperation, territorial aspects and other aspects. The bilateral relationship between&#xD;
China and Russia would be critically assessed. Although there are the contradictions&#xD;
to the two states, the bilateral relationship between them is a partner rather than an&#xD;
adversary as well as cooperation more than competition.</summary>
    <dc:date>2008-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
  </entry>
  <entry>
    <title>Private Entrepreneurs and Political Impacts in China: The Case of Zhejiang</title>
    <link rel="alternate" href="http://dspace.cityu.edu.hk:80/handle/2031/5556" />
    <author>
      <name>Zou, Chen</name>
    </author>
    <id>http://dspace.cityu.edu.hk:80/handle/2031/5556</id>
    <updated>2009-11-16T07:07:46Z</updated>
    <published>2009-01-01T00:00:00Z</published>
    <summary type="text">Title: Private Entrepreneurs and Political Impacts in China: The Case of Zhejiang
Authors: Zou, Chen
Abstract: The paper examines political impacts of China’s private entrepreneurs by assessing&#xD;
practical experiences in Zhejiang province. The investigation is carried out from two&#xD;
approaches. First, traditional tracks connecting economic development and political&#xD;
change are adopted to assess the possibility of political change pushed by Zhejiang’s&#xD;
private entrepreneurs. Second, the approach of endogenous institutional change&#xD;
leads the way to examine private entrepreneurs’ political impacts when they get&#xD;
connected with the Party‐state. Based on the assessment on Zhejiang’s private&#xD;
economy and analysis on private entrepreneurs’ political behavior, it gets to know&#xD;
that the expectation of political change following rapid economic development&#xD;
suggested by western political scientists might not be admired and pursued in the&#xD;
context of Zhejiang. However, in dealing with various institutional constraints on the&#xD;
private sector, Zhejiang’s private entrepreneurs appear with high contextual&#xD;
adaptability. They choose to make close connection with local government and get&#xD;
embedded in political institutions. In consequences, they built up direct channels in&#xD;
communicating with local authority; gained delegacy in political institutions and&#xD;
improved the profile of private sector. Therefore, the paper concludes that political&#xD;
impacts of Zhejiang’s private entrepreneurs are not on the aspect in pushing for&#xD;
political change. Rather, their political impacts largely put to use within the system&#xD;
when they are getting adaptive with the current institution.</summary>
    <dc:date>2009-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
  </entry>
  <entry>
    <title>A Confucian Perspective on Social Justice, Rights, and Welfare: A philosophical exposition</title>
    <link rel="alternate" href="http://dspace.cityu.edu.hk:80/handle/2031/5557" />
    <author>
      <name>Wong, Chun Man Gary</name>
    </author>
    <id>http://dspace.cityu.edu.hk:80/handle/2031/5557</id>
    <updated>2009-11-16T07:05:51Z</updated>
    <published>2009-01-01T00:00:00Z</published>
    <summary type="text">Title: A Confucian Perspective on Social Justice, Rights, and Welfare: A philosophical exposition
Authors: Wong, Chun Man Gary
Abstract: This project is a theoretical study of the moral and political philosophy of early&#xD;
Confucianism regarding three major topics, namely: social justice, human rights, and&#xD;
the ethical responsibilities of governments and individuals. In this project, I confine&#xD;
my analysis to early Confucian texts, with reference to contemporary scholars’&#xD;
philosophical interpretations, analysis, and constructions.&#xD;
The first aim of this work is to show that early Confucian philosophers are&#xD;
concerned with questions of social justice. I argue that the discussions of&#xD;
self-cultivation in classical Confucianism contribute to the overall picture of a sense&#xD;
of justice. And I also argue that having a sense of justice plays a crucial role in the&#xD;
Confucian community. The second aim of the study is to show whether right talk is&#xD;
compatible with early Confucianism. I contend that fallback mechanism can be&#xD;
accommodated to Confucianism, it is though shall not be regarded as right-based.&#xD;
Also, I argue that right talk invites some serious problems to the early Confucianism,&#xD;
in which the fundamental doctrines of Confucians will be deteriorated when the&#xD;
conceptions of rights will be added into early Confucianism. The last aim of the study&#xD;
is to explore a Confucian perspective on social welfare provision system. I show that the ethical responsibilities are assigned reasonably to different people, mainly family&#xD;
members, community members and governments. I further demonstrate that implicit&#xD;
in early Confucianism perspective is the notion of a multi-layered system of welfare&#xD;
provision in which the family, community and government all have particular roles to&#xD;
perform. In short, I argue that early Confucian perspective may contribute insightful&#xD;
ideas regarding the above-mentioned issues that can influence and inspire western&#xD;
approaches. And I will show that early Confucianism, as an invaluable philosophical&#xD;
perspective, is able to deal with different complicated moral issues in the&#xD;
contemporary world.</summary>
    <dc:date>2009-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
  </entry>
  <entry>
    <title>Assessing performance effectiveness of Functional constituency legislators (2004-2008), in the view of justifications of functional constituency</title>
    <link rel="alternate" href="http://dspace.cityu.edu.hk:80/handle/2031/5558" />
    <author>
      <name>Lai, Chi Ki</name>
    </author>
    <id>http://dspace.cityu.edu.hk:80/handle/2031/5558</id>
    <updated>2009-11-16T07:00:59Z</updated>
    <published>2009-01-01T00:00:00Z</published>
    <summary type="text">Title: Assessing performance effectiveness of Functional constituency legislators (2004-2008), in the view of justifications of functional constituency
Authors: Lai, Chi Ki
Abstract: Functional constituency (FC) is a unique component in Hong Kong’s legislature while&#xD;
remaining or removing it is a great controversy in the constitutional development&#xD;
discussion. Systems exist to serve certain functions and purposes, so does FC. The&#xD;
focus of this project is on the justifications of FC. By looking at the original purposes of&#xD;
FC, and the expected performance of functional representatives (FRs), the effectiveness&#xD;
of achieving these goals and duties should be the indicator of retaining or removing the&#xD;
system.&#xD;
FC was created by the colonial government to serve as a replacement of&#xD;
appointing unofficial social elites to the legislature. These professional and economic&#xD;
representatives can not only contribute expertise and knowledge to LegCo, but also&#xD;
represent different groups in the community. After the reunification, the Chinese&#xD;
government is in line with this idea by justifying FC is essential to achieve balanced&#xD;
participation.&#xD;
The report tries to use quantitative and qualitative studies to assess the performance&#xD;
effectiveness of FC in achieving the mentioned justifications. Using the performance of&#xD;
the Third term of LegCo, only few FRs managed to accomplish the justifications. For&#xD;
the rest of them, they failed to perform the duties of FR because of an overall low&#xD;
participation rate in the legislature; and also constraints from political affiliation.</summary>
    <dc:date>2009-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
  </entry>
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