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  <title>DSpace Community:</title>
  <link rel="alternate" href="http://dspace.cityu.edu.hk:80/handle/2031/720" />
  <subtitle />
  <id>http://dspace.cityu.edu.hk:80/handle/2031/720</id>
  <updated>2013-05-01T03:06:35Z</updated>
  <dc:date>2013-05-01T03:06:35Z</dc:date>
  <entry>
    <title>Politics of intergovernmental jurisdiction zoning in central China</title>
    <link rel="alternate" href="http://dspace.cityu.edu.hk:80/handle/2031/6525" />
    <author>
      <name>Yang, Zhenjie ( 楊振傑)</name>
    </author>
    <id>http://dspace.cityu.edu.hk:80/handle/2031/6525</id>
    <updated>2012-08-07T07:44:04Z</updated>
    <published>2011-01-01T00:00:00Z</published>
    <summary type="text">Title: Politics of intergovernmental jurisdiction zoning in central China
Authors: Yang, Zhenjie ( 楊振傑)
Abstract: ﻿This study examines the politics of reform process regarding intergovernmental jurisdiction zoning at the city-district interface in China. Clear demarcation of tasks and responsibilities between tiers of government is often perceived as the fundamental step in the design of a system of intergovernmental fiscal relations. Conversely, ambiguous and overlapping tasks and responsibilities across levels of government have been perceived as a main source of instability and controversies in government performance. In the past three decades, the governments in China have realized the significance and necessity of intergovernmental jurisdiction reform, and the literature has abundant discussions about the optimal reform principles and models, as well as the institutional constraints hindering reform. However, there has been relatively little progress in terms of policy change to improve the division of responsibilities between levels of government. More recently, reform attempts started to emerge in specific policy sectors and localities. This study of intergovernmental jurisdiction reform in a prefecture city in central China brings home the message, once again, the complexity of reform process and the importance of taking a close look at this process to observe the multiple conditions propelling change, and to delineate their respective roles. Institutional contradictions, external perturbation, collective common expectations, and critical actor's agency all play an important part during the change process, vividly displayed in the case of Xianning jurisdiction reform. This study also serves to contribute to the accumulation of "practical knowledge" about how to translate an expectation for change to concrete reform plans and successful implementation.
Notes: CityU Call Number: HJ1408 .Y36 2011; x, 265 leaves : ill.   30 cm.; Thesis (Ph.D.)--City University of Hong Kong, 2011.; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 238-265)</summary>
    <dc:date>2011-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
  </entry>
  <entry>
    <title>Regional collective contract system in China</title>
    <link rel="alternate" href="http://dspace.cityu.edu.hk:80/handle/2031/6524" />
    <author>
      <name>Song, Yue ( 宋玥)</name>
    </author>
    <id>http://dspace.cityu.edu.hk:80/handle/2031/6524</id>
    <updated>2012-08-07T07:44:02Z</updated>
    <published>2011-01-01T00:00:00Z</published>
    <summary type="text">Title: Regional collective contract system in China
Authors: Song, Yue ( 宋玥)
Abstract: ﻿This thesis explores the system of making collective contracts in China based on 
regions, above the level of the enterprise. 
Since 1978, the market reform in China has significant influences on the 
political-economic environment in which China's labour relations take place, and the 
result has been a major transformation in the latter. A key issue for labour relations in 
China is how to regulate labour relations effectively and maintain a stable 
relationship between employee and employer. Due to the inherent limitations in 
individual forms of labour regulation, there has been recognition of the need for the 
regulation of collective labour relations to function more effectively. In recent years, 
regional collective contract/ consultation system has been promoted to supplement 
the existing system based at the level of the enterprise. 
This thesis examines the new regulatory mechanism of regional collective 
contract system from field work in two of the key cities where this form of 
agreement is being developed, and uses case studies of regional level collective 
contracts, supplemented by qualitative interviews, statistics and documents from the 
district, municipal and national levels. 
This thesis reviews the development of the regional collective contract system, 
both from the formal provisions and the practice, and demonstrates the operation of 
this system from the parties, the processes and the outcome. By explaining the 
dynamics of the regional collective contract system, this thesis further investigated 
the efficacy of the system based on a pivotal question as to whether the regional 
collective contract is reached through negotiation? 
Locating the regional collective contract system within the regulatory framework of labour relations in China, this thesis has some significant findings. While the 
formal provisions are increasingly supportive to the regional system, the primary 
focus still remains on the enterprise level. The ambiguities and the lack of 
consideration for the peculiarity of the regional level in those provisions have led to 
discrepancy in implementation. The availability of enterprises' representatives affects 
the procedures for reaching the regional collective contract and the form it takes. 
With the absence of the enterprises' organisation at the regional level in most cases, 
the union tends to simplify the procedures and adopt a decentralised way of dealing 
with each individual enterprise. The negotiation process is, thus, less emphasised at 
the regional level, and the contract is signed at the enterprise level. 
Furthermore, being influenced by the union's tradition of administrative role, the 
promotion of the regional collective contract system still follows the top-down 
pattern and is assessed against the assigned quotas. With few direct connections with 
the employees and much noncooperation from the employers, the union fulfills its 
task with formality-like contract or compromised terms. 
Notwithstanding the above, by moving the collective contract beyond a single 
enterprise and engaging the regional union, the regional collective contract system 
not only provides a countermeasure for regulating labour relations in the fast 
increasing small private enterprises, but also has potentials to overcome the defects 
in the Chinese enterprise-level collective contract system by a union which is more 
independent of the employer and with cadres who are devoted and have the capacity 
to negotiate for the employees' interests.
Notes: CityU Call Number: HD8734 .S66 2011; xii, 317 leaves   30 cm.; Thesis (Ph.D.)--City University of Hong Kong, 2011.; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 298-312)</summary>
    <dc:date>2011-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
  </entry>
  <entry>
    <title>Three competing constitutional discourses for the 21st century China</title>
    <link rel="alternate" href="http://dspace.cityu.edu.hk:80/handle/2031/6523" />
    <author>
      <name>Peng, Chengyi ( 彭成義)</name>
    </author>
    <id>http://dspace.cityu.edu.hk:80/handle/2031/6523</id>
    <updated>2012-08-07T07:44:00Z</updated>
    <published>2011-01-01T00:00:00Z</published>
    <summary type="text">Title: Three competing constitutional discourses for the 21st century China
Authors: Peng, Chengyi ( 彭成義)
Abstract: ﻿After three decades of economic reform and opening up to the outside world, China's ideological realm has been significantly transformed and complicated. This is well manifested in the constitutional discourses concerning the future of China. One notable example is the wide acceptance of the liberal constitutional paradigm among Chinese intellectuals, as shown in the issuing and impacts of the Charter 08 two years ago by some liberal dissidents. However, in recent years, this expanding perspective has been challenged by "mainland New Confucians" and Sinicized Marxists alike. The former camp advocates a constitutional framework that is based upon and loyal to the Confucian tradition. Some members of this group recently held a conference entitled "Confucian Religious Constitutionalism and China's Future" in Hong Kong in May 2010. Nevertheless, because both the liberal and tradition-based schools display a certain level of hostility and prejudice toward Marxism, they basically deny the legitimacy of the current constitutional framework of China and consequently ignore its achievements. Yet the theorization of Sinicized Marxist constitutionalism has achieved significant development in recent years; one important example is the American constitutional scholar Larry C. Backer's model, which seeks to grant legitimacy to China's current constitutional development in the international community. Legal scholars in China also just convened a large conference on "Socialist Constitutionalism with Chinese Characteristics" in China in the May of 2010. 
In light of these developments, we can see that three discourses of constitutionalism, namely Western Liberal Constitutionalism, Traditional Confucian Constitutionalism, and Sinicized Marxist Constitutionalism have emerged and are being advocated for the future of China. Because the latter two are newly emerging, there are no literature seeking to engage or compare them yet. My doctoral research seeks to fill the gap by providing a description of the three discourses, analyzing their respective strengths and weaknesses, and suggesting the prospect of the constitutional game. As the Western Liberal Constitutionalism has been well explored in academia, I mainly review its spreading history in China, its core claims, and discuss the major challenges it faces today in China. For Traditional Confucian Constitutionalism, I introduce and analyze the institutional, ritualistic, and religious approaches towards the topic currently available and develop a three-layered full picture of the Traditional Chinese Constitutionalism. Regarding Sinicized Marxist Constitutionalism, I review and analyze its emerging context as well as the three main versions held by different scholars under this general and overarching canopy, and elaborate its philosophical foundation to help to understand this paradigm. Finally, I conduct a preliminary comparison of the three constitutional discourses and discuss the current strategic configurations of them as well as the likely outcomes.
Notes: CityU Call Number: KNQ2070 .P46 2011; x, 196 leaves   30 cm.; Thesis (Ph.D.)--City University of Hong Kong, 2011.; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 170-196)</summary>
    <dc:date>2011-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
  </entry>
  <entry>
    <title>Housing policy in Thailand : implications for welfare typology</title>
    <link rel="alternate" href="http://dspace.cityu.edu.hk:80/handle/2031/6522" />
    <author>
      <name>Marohabutr, Thammarat (0)</name>
    </author>
    <id>http://dspace.cityu.edu.hk:80/handle/2031/6522</id>
    <updated>2012-08-07T07:43:58Z</updated>
    <published>2011-01-01T00:00:00Z</published>
    <summary type="text">Title: Housing policy in Thailand : implications for welfare typology
Authors: Marohabutr, Thammarat (0)
Abstract: ﻿The objective of this research is to investigate housing policy in Thailand and thus contribute to the theoretical debate about housing welfare regime types. The Bangkok Metropolitan Region (BMR) is used as a case study due to the fact that it is the largest urban conglomerate where housing policy has emerged and efforts to solve housing problems have been concentrated. Based on an extensive literature review at international level on welfare typology and social welfare development 'Four Pillars' involving the articulating factors of economy, globalisation, society, and politics are developed as a conceptual framework for the analysis. It is concluded that Thailand‟s housing policy contributes to the theoretical debate about the restrained productivist-particularist housing welfare regime due to specific characteristics based on three separate features. With regard to the particularist features, Thai housing policy targets different groups of people, including the poor and civil movements, and formal workers and private developers. Furthermore, it is used as a means to achieve the political goals of the government. The productivist features lie in the fact that housing contributes to an increase in productivity by formal workers dealing with housing activities. In addition, the government initiates housing policies to enhance private participation in the housing industry to rescue economic problems and bolster economic growth. However, Thai housing policy still reflects restrained features as the government has provided limited pro-poor housing benefits. It has also instigated policy constraints on housing development and sustainability of the housing industry.
Notes: CityU Call Number: HD7363.55.A3 M37 2011; xi, 319 leaves : ill.   30 cm.; Thesis (Ph.D.)--City University of Hong Kong, 2011.; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 298-315)</summary>
    <dc:date>2011-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
  </entry>
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