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Title: Affixal quantification : a syntax-semantics mapping approach to Cantonese suffixal quantifiers
Other Titles: Ci zhui liang hua xian xiang : dui Guangdong hua ci zhui liang ci de ju fa he yu yi ying she yan jiu
詞綴量化現象 : 對廣東話詞綴量詞的句法和語義映射研究
Authors: Lee, Peppina Po Lun (李寶倫)
Department: Dept. of Chinese, Translation and Linguistics
Degree: Doctor of Philosophy
Issue Date: 2004
Publisher: City University of Hong Kong
Subjects: Cantonese dialects -- Semantics
Cantonese dialects -- Syntax
Notes: CityU Call Number: PL1733.L44 2004
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 378-388)
Thesis (Ph.D.)--City University of Hong Kong, 2004
xv, 388 leaves : ill. ; 30 cm.
Type: Thesis
Abstract: Partee (1987, 1991, 1996) differentiates D-quantification from A-quantification, where D stands for “determiner” and A stands for the cluster of adverbs, auxiliaries, affixes and argument-structure adjusters, with A-quantification further divided into true A-quantifiers along the lines of Lewis (1975) and Heim (1982) and lexical quantifiers which have an operator, quantificational in nature, applying to the verb directly at the lexical level (Partee 1995). Being considered as quantifiers, some Cantonese verbal suffixes may be classified as lexical quantifiers under Partee’s system of D- and A-quantification, as they are part of the verbal morphology and thus analysed as operating directly on the verb, modifying its semantic interpretation and possibly its syntax. However, if the semantics and syntax of these suffixal quantifiers are examined in details, the picture is not that simple, as these suffixal quantifiers interact in a complex way with the lexical semantics of the verb in question, focus and background, and the syntactic functions in the relevant sentence. In this dissertation, adopting a syntax-semantics mapping approach to affixal quantification I have studied three Cantonese verbal suffixes –hoi1 ‘open’, saai3 ‘all’ and maai4 ‘also’, which perform generic, universal and additive quantification, respectively, and argue that they can be classified as neither pure D-quantifiers nor A-quantifiers, as (a) unlike A-quantifiers, they are not always sensitive to focus; and (b) unlike D-quantifiers, although syntax does play a role in the relevant mapping, the mapping is determined by the selected constituent from the general syntactic hierarchy in (1) rather than the syntactic structure and whether there is a focus in the sentence. (1) A General Hierarchical Order of Association in Suffixal Quantifiers DO/IO arguments > dative arguments/postverbal PPs > preverbal PPs (v-licensed PP) > subjects > verbal predicates/adjectival predicates/stative verbs/VOs The quantified constituent is selected from the above hierarchy, which is then mapped either to the restrictor or the nuclear scope, depending on individual suffixal quantifiers and the role played by focus. For instance, the selected constituent will be mapped to the restrictor, and the rest of the sentence, to the nuclear scope for saai3, whereas the opposite mapping is observed for the other two when there is no focus in the sentence. These suffixal quantifiers can be divided into two types on the basis of their different behaviors towards focus. Type (i): Focus-sensitive suffixal quantifiers Focus-sensitive suffixal quantifiers have their interpretation predicted according to the following procedure. Any focus in the scope of the suffixal quantifier? YES -> Focal mapping NO -> Syntactic Hierarchy -> Tripartite structure partition triggered by individual suffixal quantifiers Type (ii): Semi-focus-sensitive quantifiers Partially focus-sensitive suffixal quantifiers have their interpretation predicted according to the following procedure. Syntactic Hierarchy A constituent is selected from the general hierarchy. Is the selected constituent in focus? YES -> Focal Mapping NO -> Tripartite structure partition triggered by individual suffixal quantifiers The above two types of suffixal quantifiers differ in whether focus can override the syntactic hierarchy or not. In case focus can override the syntactic hierarchy, focal mapping will reshape the quantificational structure of the suffixal quantifier, with the relevant focus background mapped to the nuclear scope and the restrictor, respectively. On the other hand, in case focus fails to override the syntactic hierarchy, the suffixal quantifier can associate with the focus only when the selected constituent from the hierarchy is in focus. Under such a case, the tripartite structure will be shaped by focal mapping; otherwise, the relevant tripartite structure mapping will be triggered by the selected constituent from the hierarchy according to the mapping of individual suffixal quantifiers. Besides, I have shown that the syntax-semantics mapping of these suffixal quantifiers to the tripartite structure is also different from Diesing’s (1992) Mapping Hypothesis and Tsai’s (1994, 2001) Extended Mapping Hypothesis.
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